Developing football language in Yorùbá

Football is a global sport; almost all cultures have catalogues of terms devised to designate its concepts. This study, which is a part of an on-going project by this researcher to develop “A metalanguage for football terms in Yorùbá” (one of the three major languages in Nigeria), seeks to describe strategies for designating football concepts in Yorùbá. Source language data were generated mainly from Dictionary – Inside UEFA – UEFA.com and translated using Newmark (1981) semantic and communicative translation strategies. The essence of the translation is to enable cognition of the terms in the target language. Existing Yorùbá terms for football concepts were generated from audio recordings of radio sports news presentations and dicourses and from football fans at football viewing centres with the aid of questionnaires. The researcher also relied on informants who are competent speakers of Yorùbá and are experts in football matters. These experts were helpful in making choices from the existing designations, and in offering alternative designations where existing terms are deemed inappropriate. The strategies employed for labeling football terms in Yorùbá include composition, idiomatisation, explication, loan translation, borrowing, use of existing equivalents, coinage, derivation, semantic extension, modulation, decentialisation and interlinguistic or hybrid formation. For the purpose of clinical cognition, these terms were categorised into native language creation, borrowing and interlinguistic based on linguistic sources of term creation. It is hoped that the study will significantly improve effective and efficient use of a football vocabulary in the study of the language.


Introduction
Football, in some countries called "soccer", is the most popular sport globally.It is an outdoor sport characterised by incredible stamina and absolute athleticism as players have to hustle and run across the field with the ball throughout the game.The origin of the sport has been contested (Dzahene-Quarshie 2012; Schultz 2013: 1; Shiner 2018).While some schools of thought believe that the sport originated in Britain, others hold that it originated in China.Shiner (2018) interrogating the origin of football writes, "The common view is that football was invented in England, coming to the fore in the 19th Century.However, there are claims that the Scottish invented football as we know it, as well as the Chinese, who also believe they played an integral role in the birth of the game."Dzahene-Quarshie (2012) states that the idea that football was invented in England could have begun because Britain is prominent in contemporary football; also, English is a global lan-guage which has influenced many languages in the areas of their socio-cultural and economic lives.This controversy has been put to rest by FIFA (FIFA.com History of Football -The Origins).FIFA has revealed that the earliest form of football for which there is scientific evidence is a Chinese competitive game called cuju that appeared in the military manual dated back to the second and third century.FIFA, however, credits the origin of contemporary football to England, which according to her began in 1863.
Football started in Nigeria in the early 1900s, and was introduced by Baron Mulford, who organised weekly matches between European and Nigerian youths in Lagos (Ani et al. 2015).The sport has since become the most popular in the country.Pharook (2014) finds that football enjoys more coverage on Nigerian media than any other sport.The country has hundreds of players both at home and abroad, millions of supporters and hundreds of clubs, with very many competitions and tournaments at national, state and local levels.Gianni Infantino, FIFA President, describing football in Nigeria, was reported by Hyde (2018) to have said, "I was told that in Nigeria, football is passion, but it is a lie, because it is more than that.In Nigeria, I was told that football is love, but it is a lie.It is more than that.In Nigeria.I was told that football is a religion, but it is a lie.It is more than that.In Nigeria, football is life."To say this description is apt is an understatement.Football is more or less the spine of Nigeria's national life.It has become a stabilising force and instrument of national cohesion as all manners of hostilities, inter-ethnic, inter-religion, political and internal terrorism are suspended any time the national teams are playing internationals.Onyebueke (2018) and Adetunji (2010) note the obsession of Nigerian youths with European football.Adetunji (2010), describing the attachment of Nigerian youths to the Premier Leagues says, "… on days when games are to be played (usually weekends and sometimes Wednesdays) fans make their way to viewing centres (halls, mostly make-shift, where matches from foreign football leagues are shown live at affordable rates) in their neighbourhoods to support their favourite teams or watch the games of rival teams".Onyebueke (2018) is of the view that "Obsession of football lovers with 'overseas sweethearts' … is an outcome of transnational broadcast of European league/championship matches and the widespread habit of watching such events via television and other electronic means." As a reflection of this passion, football reporting and discourses on electronic and digital platforms in national languages have become very popular.In most cases the football terms generated by these sportscasters in indigenous languages fall short of a concept-term connection.This observation is supported by Yusuf (2008) cited by Akanbi and Aladesanmi (2014): "the level of appropriateness and effectiveness of the terms generated cannot be guaranteed and therefore deserves some attention".From the study data, for instance, Penalty kick is variously referred to as golí wò mí n gba sí o (lit.keeper look at me as I play it to you), àgbéélé gbá sí golí (lit.putting it on ground and playing it to keeper), pená(ítì) (borrowing from English).Based on the encyclopaedic knowledge of the term penalty kick, the appropriateness of golí wò mí n gba sí o and àgbéélè gbá sí golí is called to question.Penalty takers do it to beat the opponents' goalkeepers and it is to their advantage if the keepers look elsewhere when penalty kicks are taken.It would be more appropriate therefore to label penalty kick as àgbéélègbásójúlé (putting on ground and shoot into goal) because penalty kickers aim at the goal.In addition, some designations do not mark the difference between penalties that are awarded as an advantage i.e "penalty kick" and those that are used to break ties i.e "penalty shootouts".Again, it is very common among football fans and broadcasters to use English terms wholesale when appropriate indigenous terms can be motivated.For example, from data collected from some football fans, quarter-finals, semi-finals, final are designated ipele kótá final, ipele sèmí final, and final respectively.From cognitive and patriotic points of view, these terms are best designated as ipele keta sásèkágbá, ipele ìkángun sásèkágbá, and ipele àsèkágbá respectively.
The sources of these challenges could be traced to the non-availability of standardised reference materials on football terms in Yorùbá.Writing on the paucity or lack of terminology in African languages, Van Huyssteen cited by Ndhlovu (2014) identifies nine characteristics related to term creation in Africa, namely the time factor, Eurocentrism, standardisation, foreign sounds, multilingualism, trendy words, purity, the abundance of synonyms, and the lack of coordination of efforts.In addition to these factors there is the issue of exposure that applies to term creation in specialised fields.The last factor is particularly true of the Yorùbá language as the bulk of existing football terms in Yorùbá are devised by football fans and sportscasters who lack exposure to term creation and the grammatical rules of Yorùbá, but have to create them on the spur of the moment in a frantic bid to report football news.In addition to this problem, there is is the nature of football language, which according to linguistic scholars is replete with conceptual metaphors from different semantic fields.The striking one among them is military (see Lakoff 1991, Chapanga 2004;and Vierkant 2008).Vierkant (2008), for instance, remarks that metaphor seems to be an unavoidable issue when talking about football.The language of football is full of images like "attack", "shot", "defence", "midfield", "enemy" or "battle".Chapanga (2004) notes that there is an undeniable theme of war in soccer."The sport is a physical contest making it almost inevitable that allusions to war, metaphors of battle and strategy will be employed by professional commentators".Other conceptual domains identified by Hussein (2019) apart from war include journey or travel (airborne, float), food (feed, sandwich), race (role, host), theatre performance (scene, host), special events (celebrate, cheers), animal (foxy, sting), story (epic) and machine (plug on).The implication of the varied domains of conceptual metaphors is that effective designations of football terms in a target language is not a straightforward enterprise as it would require the knowledge of these metaphors in their primary fields as well as reconciling the cultural embeddedness of these metaphorical expressions in the source language with the target language.This enterprise therefore requires intervention by trained linguists.The focus of this paper, which is part of an ongoing project by this researcher to develop "A metalanguage for football terms in Yorùbá", is to describe strategies that are or can be used as football terms in Yorùbá to fill the gap.It is hoped the overall study can improve communication in the domain of football in Yorùbá and expand her technical vocabularies.

A brief review of terminology works in Yorùbá
Existing literature has underlined the importance of terminology to the development of indigenous languages.According to UNESCO (2005: vi), People whose mother-tongue is not (or not sufficiently) developed from the point of view of terminology and special purpose languages (SPL) or who are denied the use of their mother-tongue in education and training, for accessing information, or interacting in their workplaces, tend to be disadvantaged ... In most cases limitation in the use of a language to folklore or to the family sphere means that such a language will be inadequate to support professional communication.Similarly, a language that lags behind in its terminology for a given domain risks losing the ability to communicate in that subject in its language over time.UNESCO's view corroborates that of Cabré (1998: 18), who points out that "… a language that cannot be used in all types of communication is doomed to disappear, and a language cannot be used in all situations unless it has the necessary terminology." Terminological work in Yorùbá began in 1953 with the setting up of two technical committees to evolve grammatical and scientific terms for the language by the Ministry of Education for the defunct Western Region (Awoniyi 1978: 135;Awobuluyi 1994).According to Olubode-Sawe (2010: 6), the preliminary report of the committees was published in 1956 as "Notes on Grammatical and Scientific Terminology".Awobuluyi (1994) notes that the constitution of the committees was a direct consequence of 'nationalist sentiments and aspirations' for inter-nal self government, leading ultimately to total independence.Since then, there have been copious terminological works spanning several domains.Among such works are Awoniyi (1974), a handbook containing terms for broadcasts in Yorùbá; Federal Ministry of Education (1980), a glossary of technical terminologies for primary schools in Nigeria; Nigeria Educational Research and Development Council (1991), a quadrilingual glossary of legislative terms; Bamgbose (1984), a Yorùbá metalanguage Volume 1, dealing with linguistics, literary and methodology terms; Awobuluyi (1990), a Yorùbá metalanguage Volume 2, dealing with linguistics, literary and methodology terms; Odetayo (1993), an English-Yorùbá bilingual dictionary of Engineering Physics terms; Fakinlede (2003), a specialised dictionary dealing with expanding frontiers of knowledge, particularly in science and mathematics; Olubode-Sawe (2010), a Yorùbá vocabulary for building construction, and Yusuf, Adetunji, and Odoje (2017), an English-Yorùbá glossary of HIV, AIDS and ebola-related terms.Awobuluyi (1994) identifies the adaptation of foreign terms and expressions, and exploiting and employing the linguistic resources of a language, as the two approaches people engaged in enriching the lexicon of a language use.According to him, the "latter approach has been the clear favourite among all the groups and individuals who have so far had a hand in enlarging the Yorùbá lexicon."Owolabi (2006: 26) comments on the existing works: "more Yorùbá metalinguistic terms are still needed ..." One such area of multiple activities is football, the focus of this study.

Methodology
Football terms and their definitions relating to football governing bodies; competitions and trophies; awards and recipients; stadiums and playing fields; players and playing positions; team, football management; rules, misconduct and advantage; officials; time; ball control and play; some general concepts; transfer and money; supporters and fans, and clothes and football equipment were collected mainly from Dictionary -Inside UEFA -UEFA.comand translated into Yorùbá.Other Internet materials used included the Glossary of Football Vocabulary, A-Z Glossary of Football and Soccer Terms, and Euro 2016: the football snob's dictionary.The translation provided means of discovering and understanding the meaning of source terms for the purpose of designating the terms in the target language.A blend of Newmark (1981) semantic and communicative translation strategies was used for the translation.According to Newmark (1981: 39), semantic translation "attempts to render, as closely as the semantic and syntactic structures of the second language allow, the exact contextual meaning of the original'.In other words, it is a source language bias, literal, and the loyalty is to the ST.Communicative translation on the other hand "attempts to produce on its readers an effect as close as possible to that of the readers of the original' (Newmark 1981: 39).The translation method is a target language bias; free and idiomatic.The necessity for blending the two strategies results from the need to secure equivalent effects of source terms with accuracy of meaning, emotive and/or pragmatic impacts while at the same time maintaining naturalness in the target language.
Existing Yorùbá terms for football concepts were derived from 170 audio recordings of daily radio sports presentations and discourses in Yorùbá by three FM radio stations: Lagelu (97.7 MHZ), Amuludun (99.1 MHZ), and Splash (105.5 MHZ).These stations were purposively selected as they dedicate quality airtime to sports reporting in Yorùbá and their transmissions are well received across the Yorùbá speaking states of Nigeria.The researcher also collected Yorùbá terms for football from fans at football viewing centres with the aid of a questionnaire.The data were collected over a period of six months, specifically between December 2018 and May 2019.This period was chosen because the period is when national league competitions mostly take place in Nigeria and Europe.The researcher also relied on informants who are competent Yorùbá speakers and experts in football matters.These informants helped in: 1. providing much information to do with conceptual knowledge in the field of soccer, 2. making choices from existing Yorùbá designations isolated from the audio recordings and from data collected from soccer fans, 3. modifying and/or redesignating existing terms that were deemed inappropriate, and 4. designating source terms that do not have existing labels.
In carrying out 2-4, the researcher in collaboration with the experts, considered contextual closeness of meaning in the source language, naturalness of meaning in the target language, frequency of use, collocability of terms with other segments in phraseology, term economy, unambiguity and portability.

Strategies of designating football terms in Yorùbá
In deriving Yorùbá terms for soccer, the researcher adopted some well-known strategies of terminology creation in Yorùbá, as adopted in lexicographic works such as Awobuluyi (1990Awobuluyi ( , 1994)), Bamgbose (1984), NERDC (1991), andFME (1980), Olubode-Sawe (2010), Yusuf, Adetunji, and Odoje (2017).These strategies, as noted by Owolabi (2006: 40), include composition, semantic extension, dialect or internal borrowing, loan words or external borrowing, specification, explication, idiomatisation, equivalents, acronymy, coinage including special coinage, description, translation, adaptation and range extension.It needs to be said, however, that not all of these strategies are employed in this study, while some strategies are merged.Some not included are also identified and used.For example, specification and dialect or internal borrowings are not used, description is discussed under composition, borrowings are classified into indigenised term formation and pure borrowings, while lexicalisation of source term acronyms, modulation, not identified, are used.For clinical distinction, I have classified these strategies into three broad headings that are based on the lexical resources of the language used, namely A: Use of target language lexical resource; B: Borrowing; C: Interlinguistic/hybrid formation.

A. Use of target language lexical resources
Term formation strategies used under this category include composition, idiomatisation, explication, existing equivalents, loan translation, semantic extension, coinage, derivation, modulation, and desentencialization. a. Composition: Composition is a very productive method of term formation in Yorùbá.The method involves combining linguistic items (words and phrases) to create target language terms descriptive of conceptual intensions.Owolabi (2006: 41) identifies composition as the main strategy used by Awobuluyi (1990Awobuluyi ( , 1994)), Bamgbose (1984), NERDC (1991) andFME (1980).The method is employed in this study to designate football terms in terms of function, use, manner and behaviour.
i. Function: This composition method involves describing source language terms in the target language based on the function of the term referent.Examples are given in Table 1.
ii. Use: This composition method involves describing source language terms in the target language based on the use of term referent.Examples are given in Table 2 below.iii.Manner: This composition method involves describing source language terms in the target language based on the manner in which term intension is executed.Examples are given in Table 3 below.iv.Behaviour: This composition method involves describing source language terms in the target language based on the behaviour of the term referent.Examples are given in Table 4 below: It has however been discovered that the application of this strategy involves not only description and translation as noted by Awobuluyi (1994), but also other strategies of term formation.The following examples illustrate this point of view: asabóòìlù léhìn pápá, n. and sóòti yíróbó, n.In Table 1 and Table 4 there are examples of interlinguistic term formation, while agbábóòlù onímótara nìkan, n. in Table 4 is an idiomatic expression.Again, all sample examples in Table 2 are existing equivalents.b.Explication: This term formation strategy involves giving detailed information to designate source language terms.In this term formation strategy, term economy is sacrificed on the altar of explicitness.Explication examples are given in Table 5.
c. Loan translation: This method involves the combination of target language words in imitation of the source language to express source language terms.However, the order of the words in the target language may be governed by its syntactic patterns.Examples of this strategy are given in Table 6.d.Idiomatisation: This method involves using target language idioms to designate source language terms.The following examples can be given in this study.
e. Existing equivalent: This method involves using existing words in the target language to designate source language terms.The following are examples.
f. Derivation strategy: An example of this strategy is the use of prefixes to derive nouns that are semantically related to the verbal base.In the examples given below the prefixes are attached to the verbal base to derive terms that are nominals.However, deriving terms of the verbal category from a nominal base may involve prefixing a contextually semantically related verb to the nominal stem or base.The following are examples.
g. Special coinage/neologism: This process involves the formation of a term which does not exist in the language, but whose use is likely to be confined to a specific register of a language (see Bamgbose 1984: p. Iv).Two examples in this study are èdiyò, n. and elédiyò used to designate own goal and own goal scorer respectively.I coined the term èdiyò from èdì (spell) + ayò (goal) to refer to a goal scored against own team that appears as if the team that scores an own goal is under the spell of the opponent while elédiyò "own goal scorer" is a derivation from èdiyò.
h. Semantic extension: This method involves employing a term used in one sphere of activity to designate a new concept in another subject field in the same language.The characteristics that make up the intension of the concepts in the two fields are often comparable by analogy.Examples are terms such as balógun (war leader), atamátàsé (sharp shooter), asamí (spy), from the domain of warfare and ayò (shield), from a local game played in twelve carved holes in piece of wood.These terms are used to designate captain, striker, scout and goal in football respectively.There is also àte.Àte is a carved wooden object for displaying things like goods in Yorùbá.I use the term àte (modified by ìgbéléwòn) in this study to designate source language term table, (the statistical summary of the matches played by the teams in the same division or group, indicating their ranking in the group, points obtained, matches played and goals scored and conceded (Dictionary -Inside UEFA -UEFA.com)as àte ìgbéléwòn (table for weighing/ assessing/measuring (performance).
i. Modulation: Hardin and Picot (1990) define modulation as "a change in point of view that allows us to express the same phenomenon in a different way".For example, indirect free kicks are labeled àgbélègbá onísóótí (kick of shot) and àgbélègbá onípáásì (kick of pass) by about 57% of my view centre informants.This is a case of change of point of view from the manner of aiming at the goal to the description of the kick employed to execute the advantage.The change in point of view is probably due to practical observation of how the binary terms' intensions are executed.When a direct free kick is awarded by the referee, the kicker may pass to a team mate but in most cases will fire a shot at the goal and a goal may be scored without the ball being touched by another player.On the other hand, when an indirect free kick is awarded, a shot fired at the goal cannot be scored without the ball being touched by another player.So what kickers do is to pass the ball to a team mate to shoot at the opponent's goal.Practically, therefore, labelling direct free kick and indirect free kick is woven around the nature of the kick utilized to execute the advantage.j.Desentencialization: This method involves nominalization of a whole sentence without any overt marker of nominalization.Examples are the following: i. òfín golí má fowó mú bóólùn, n. (rule of keeper don't catch ball with your hand) "four second rule, n." ii.agbábóólù-atikò-kan-bò-sómìíràn, n. (footballer who moves from one club to another) "journey man, n." iii.ipele kòmesèyo, n. (stage of who doesn't know how to put leg (would go back home) "knockout stage, n." iv.ifesèwonsè-je-kí-n-je, n. (match of eat and let me eat) "goal feast match, n." v. olùkó èto káraóle, n. (teacher of let the body be strong) "physical trainer, n."

B Borrowing
Borrowing is the use of foreign designations of concepts (most especially source language terms) in the target language.Komolafe (2014: 49) notes that, "borrowing is a very important source of developing the vocabularies and terminologies of a language".Awobuluyi (1994: 38) is of the view that borrowing in terminology is activated as a result of the impossibility of finding or creating a transparent indigenous term for a foreign concept or when borrowing "is considered to be of pedagogical value to preserve as much as possible the original form of the foreign term concerned".While Awobuluyi's position is valid, there are occasions when borrowing is as a result of linguistic laziness.This position can be explained within Widyalankara (2015) Expediency Hypothesis.Widyalankara (ibid, p. 2) says, "Expediency carries connotations of an action done due to desirability and convenience.It is a practical method of solving intricacies in the context of linguistic behaviour.On the other hand it connotes sociolinguistic laziness." Sociolinguistic laziness in this context can be defined as the use of a foreign designation for a concept in the target language where appropriate designation(s) can be motivated.As illustrated in the introduction, designating quarter finals, semi finals and final as ipele kòtá final, ipele sèmí final, and final respectively are instances of linguistic laziness.I classify borrowing into this study into indigenized/naturalized and pure/direct based on the criterion of whether borrowed linguistic item is influenced by the grammar of the borrowing language or not.a. Indigenized or naturalized borrowing: Indigenized borrowings are foreign terms that have been adapted into grapho-morpho-phonological structure of the target language.Examples are given in Table 11 below.b.Pure or direct borrowing: In the pure or direct borrowing, foreign language designations of concepts are retained wholly without modification in the target language.This strategy is discussed under interlinguistic strategy as seen in Table 14.

C. Inter-linguistic/hybrid formation
This strategy involves combining linguistic resources from two languages (usually source and target) to designate a new concept in the target language.Three types of interlinguistic term formations are described in this study.a. Interlinguistic formation in which target language words are combined with indigenised source language words.Examples are given in Table 12 below.
As can be seen in Table 12, there is no fixed order for the occurrence of lexical resources of the languages involved.In other words, there are instances of endo-exogenous as in agbábóòlù, n., and pápa oníróògì, n. and exo-endogenous as in nómbà agbábóòlù, n. and pená ala-òmì, n.This characteristic distinguishes it from the other types of interlinguistic term formation where the source language term has to be preceded by a target language word.b.Interlinguistic formation, in which target language words are combined with lexicalized source language acronyms.
Interlinguistic strategy is used in the formation of target language equivalents of source term acronyms in Yorùbá.Valeontis and Mantzari (2006: 6) define acronyms as words that are formed by combining the initial letters or syllables of all or several of the elements of a complex terms or name.In Yorùbá, source language acronyms are either lexicalized or retained in their original form.Acronyms that are pronounced like any other words are lexicalized and adapted into the grammatical structure of Yorùbá and pronounced as words.However, in the two methods of source language acronym designations in Yorùbá, the acronyms are preceded by descriptive words which serve to explain the meanings of the acronyms in the target language.In Table 13, the word àjo serves to explain the meanings of lexicalized acronyms Kááfù, n., Yùrópà, n., Fífà, n., Kóñkákáàfù, n., and Yùéfà, n. as unions, while egbé serves to explain the meaning of Súwán as a society.c.Interlinguistic formation, in which target language words are combined with bare source language acronyms.
In this interlinguistic term formation, acronyms whose segments are pronounced individually like AYC, NNF, FA, 4-2-3-1 are borrowed wholesale into Yorùbá.The acronyms are retained in whole form as in the source lansguage because of phonological and orthographical disparities between English and Yorùbá.In employing these acronyms wholesale as target language term, they are preceded by descriptive words as in the following examples given in Table 14.As explained in (Cb.) àjo serves to explain that NNF, n. and FA are unions, idíje serves to explain that AYC, n. is a competition, while ìtòsípò agbábóòlù onílànà serves to explain that 4-2-3-1 is a formation technique.
As noted by Dzahene-Quarshie (2012), "there seem to be no one particular label for some football expressions and terms and the result is that several renditions exist side by side".This assertion is equally true of football terms in Yorùbá.I am of the opinon that multiple labelling is only a problems if the various designations for a concept do not capture its intension.Multiple labelling affords the users choices to achieve some stylistic objectives particularly if such terms are harmonized and standardized and made to exist side by side.From the data collected, multiple labelling of a source term in Yorùbá arises as a result of the use of different term formation strategies, and use of synonymous forms or paraphrases of the same strategy.For example, ayò (n) and góò (n) are both used to designate the source term goal.Ayò (shield) is an extension from the domain of local game in Yorùbá, while góò is an indigenized borrowing.Again, ikò òjèwéwé (n) (team of small masquerades) and ikò eyin ní dàkùko (n) (team of "it is chicks that becomes cocks") are both synonymous idiomatic expresions used as Yorùbá terms for the English term feeder team (n).Another cause of multiple labelling is the synonymous relationship that exists between a term and its acronym.Both of course refer to the same concept.For example, àjo asàgbékalè òfin erée bóòlù lágbàáyé (n) (body that lay down rules governing football in the world) and àjo Ifáábù (n) (body called 'Ifáábù) are synonymous.They both refer to the same source term International Football Association Board (n) whose acronym is IFAB, n.

Conclusions
Terminology development is important for the health and vitality of indigenous languages.Despite the fact that terminological work in Yorùbá began in 1953, vast areas of specialised fields are yet to be covered.One of such areas is football, which has become more or less the spine of our national unity.The current study focuses on stategies of for developing the vocabularies of football concepts in Yorùbá.Given the nature of football language as a special and public language and the fact that people who follow football expect certain words and phrases to express certain meaning (Schultz 2013: 4), the strategies devised in this study are influenced by the need to meet the expectations of followers, make designations as close as possible, in contextual meanings, impacts and effects to the source language terms while at the same time natural to the target audience.To this end, it is hoped that the terms generated would enhance effective football discourse, analyses and reporting in Yorùbá.It is recommended that efforts be made to develop other domains of sports in Yorùbá.