Women in different parts of the world use diverse vaginal practices to attend to their various needs and these practices vary from one community to another and the meanings derived from their use are heterogenous (Hilber et al. 2007:505–508; Nsereko, Moreland & Corwin 2021; Scorgie et al. 2010:64–73, 2011:381–398; Venganai 2018:43–60, 2019:69–94). Additionally, perceptions and meanings derived from their use cannot be generalised. Because of the heterogeneity of women and communities, contextually studying vaginal practices is prudent. Vaginal practices are a collection of behaviours that women engage in to change the state of their vagina both internally and externally (Lees et al. 2014:165–173; Runganga, Pitts & McMaster 1992). They are an assortment of measures that women engage in to modify the state, form, or appearance of their vagina, both internally and externally. They are adopted and used by women to enhance their femininity, sexuality, womanhood, and social desirability (Bhebhe 2023; Venganai 2018:43–60). These behaviours and practices include douching, inserting herbs and substances into the vagina, intravaginal and external cleaning with plain water or water mixed with herbs, vaginal sit baths, and pulling (elongation) of the labia minora, among other practices (Runganga et al. 1992). It can be said that vaginal practices are a product of socio-cultural beliefs and gender norms, which are embedded in indigenous knowledge (IK) and tradition (Bhebhe., 2023; Hilber et al. 2007:505–508). Extant studies indicate that the prevalent reasons for women to engage in vaginal practices are conformity to socio-cultural norms, sexual pleasure, avoidance of infections, and hygiene (Alcaide et al. 2015:1–9; Hamoonga, Olowski & Musonda 2019; Nsereko et al. 2021).

Colonisation brought new ideas on modernity and civility, which sought to replace the traditional ways of living and processes in different contexts, while eliminating the spiritual, cultural, and traditional ways of dealing with gynaecological, sexual and reproductive health (SRH), and wellness issues that have been in existence in Indigenous communities for a long time (Mohlabane 2022:158–172). I argue that there is a tendency to label the use of traditional practices and medicine as primitive and, in some cases, witchcraft because of colonialism as the use of such medicines and practices is often viewed as barbaric and, in some cases, labelled as ‘unacceptable’ indigenous practices. Mohlabane (2022:158–172) highlights the notion that labelling traditional practices as witchcraft demeans these practices and traditional medicines and their custodians, for example, traditional healers are often viewed as evil because of the popularisation of Christianity.

I am of the view that the study of IK practices, such as vaginal practices, is important as it allows scholars to gain insight into issues of women’s sexuality, the socially constructed meanings of womanhood, and the influence of IK on women’s continued use of these practices. The study of vaginal practices has often been conducted under the Western hegemonic gaze, which positions these practices as barbaric, primitive, oppressive, and uncivilised. These practices have been demonised and relegated to the periphery as they are argued to play a role in causing some illnesses in women. However, they have stood the test of time in traditional communities as they are an important part of the treasure trove of IK, which plays an integral role in women’s day-to-day life because of their perceived efficacy in healing different illnesses that women are faced with (Mohlabane 2022). Indigenous knowledge is usually viewed as archival and past practices of Africans, which is an awkward Westernised hegemonic perception (Muchenje & Goronga 2015; Van Wyk 2014:292–299). Indigenous knowledge is a continuous process of learning and sharing of practices that are unique to each cultural group to find solutions and address local, context-specific problems (Hlatshwayo 2017).

Vaginal practices have also been studied under the biomedical lens primarily with the intention of probing their negative health implications (Bassey & Adebayo 2021:12–17). It should be observed that the dominant discourse on vaginal practices pertaining to women’s health posits that vaginal practices contribute to some of the illnesses they get (Alcaide et al. 2015; Bassey & Adebayo 2021; Chisembele et al. 2018; Hilber et al. 2007). While research points out a strong association between vaginal practices use and some conditions, such as candidiasis, as pointed out by Hilber et al. (2010:8), it can be argued that vaginal practices, on the other hand, have been used to mitigate some gynaecological challenges that women in traditional societies face (Mawoza, Nhachi & Magwali 2019). Extant studies reveal that vaginal practices are deeply rooted in IK and are a product of socio-cultural beliefs and gender norms (Nsereko et al. 2021:91–99). I argue for the need to study and understand vaginal practices through a social anthropological lens, which seeks to understand the socio-cultural dynamics that shape vaginal practices as a component of IK. It is my view that there is a need to assess and gain insight into vaginal practices independently and outside of the biomedical Western gaze because vaginal practices are part of a people’s culture and way of life.

In addition, women draw different meanings from them regardless of their health consequences, hence the need for social anthropological insight into them. There is a need to explore the important role that IK plays in the perpetuation of norms and practices, such as vaginal practices, that influence the day-to-day lives of women in Tshitatshawa village. The importance of vaginal practices as IK that has been preserved by women in the village and how women rely on this knowledge, especially for their gynaecological and sexual reproductive wellness and health, needs to be probed. Indigenous knowledge systems incorporate an all-encompassing worldview that is important for the preservation and promotion of human life (Mohlabane 2022:158–172).

It is therefore prudent to understand vaginal practices from the perspective of the women and men from communities that practise them to gain a deeper understanding of the cultural influences at play in the adoption and use of vaginal practices, as they are an important product of IK in these communities. Questions such as ‘What role do vaginal practices play in the health and wellness of women in Africa?’ and ‘What influence does IK have on the adoption and use of vaginal practices by women?’ should be answered.

In this article, I focus on vaginal practices as a component or product of IK that is beneficial to rural women for its use in women’s health and wellness. This practice is beneficial to rural women because of its easy accessibility, affordability and familiarity. Moreover, it is an option that rural women can access easily as most women in rural areas are unemployed, and the products that are used by women in vaginal practices are free as they get them from nature. I draw from the findings of a study I conducted on men and women from the rural village of Tshitatshawa in Tsholotsho in rural Zimbabwe. The main characteristics for participation in the study were age (above 18 years old), knowledge of vaginal practices, and living in Tshitatshawa village. The aim of the study was to examine the gendered dynamics that shape the use of vaginal practices. It sought to explore the views and perceptions of men and women on vaginal practices and the perceived benefits derived from their use.

The popularity of Christianity in Zimbabwe led to the labelling of some traditional practices, such as vaginal practices, as evil and, in some cases, as witchcraft (Venganai 2019). Furthermore, the increase in cases of cervical cancer and other gynaecological illnesses among women in Zimbabwe has led to criticism of the traditional practices that women engage in for their health and wellness (Mukona, Ngesi & Zvinavashe 2015). Particularly, vaginal practices have been labelled as a potential cause of cancer in women (Van de Wijgert et al. 2000). As such, most studies on vaginal practices in Zimbabwe have been conducted through the biomedical philosophical lens (Civic & Wilson 1996; Duby et al. 2017:247–257; Esber et al. 2015:183–188; Van de Wijgert et al. 2000:62–67, 2001; Turner et al. 2010) with the aim of ascertaining the role that vaginal practices play in causing illness among women, and most of these studies were conducted in urban areas. There is one context-specific social anthropological study in Zimbabwe that focused on vaginal practices from an IK base perspective in a rural setting, particularly in the Matabeleland region Bhebhe (2023). Moreover, much of the existing literature in Zimbabwe on vaginal practices is on Shona-speaking women from the Mashonaland region (Muchenje & Goronga 2015; Runganga et al. 1992; Sango, Mudzviti & Mawoza 2015; Van de Wijgert et al. 2000, 2001; Venganai 2018, 2019). Limited anthropological scholarship focuses on vaginal practices among women in the Matabeleland region whose cultural influences, beliefs, and practices differ from those in Mashonaland.

Zimbabwean scholars such as Mawoza et al. (2019) have conducted studies on vaginal practices that are used for healing, particularly in women’s postpartum journey to heal vaginal tearing and to stop vaginal bleeding; however, these studies were conducted from a biomedical perspective. Therefore, this leaves a gap in the exploration of vaginal practices using the social anthropological angle in Zimbabwe with the intention of exploring IK use through vaginal practices in the postpartum healing of women. This allows for the exploration of the importance of IK in women’s lives and how they use it to attend to their gynaecological needs.

The study was conducted in Tshitatshawa village, in the Tsholotsho district in south-west Zimbabwe. The population of this village mainly consists of Ndebele and Kalanga descendants. Vaginal practices are commonly used in the village, and their influence mainly stems from the Kalanga culture and traditions. Vaginal practices are characterised by privacy and, as such, their study requires a study design that enables deep probing, as well as establishing relationships of trust.

This descriptive study adopted an ethnographic design that used qualitative methods and methodologies. The study sought to explore the gendered dynamics that shape the use of vaginal practices. Non-probability or purposive sampling techniques were used to select participants. The participants were purposively selected based on their knowledge and use of vaginal practices as there was a need for information-rich sources. These were people who were knowledgeable about the practice, such as elderly women, herbalists, women who use vaginal practices, and men who know about these practices. Snowball sampling was also employed as a non-probability method to increase the sample size and because of the sensitive nature of the study topic. Snowball sampling is an approach in which existing subjects provide referrals to recruit other participants for a study, where the researcher starts with a small number of contacts who fit the required criteria, and those, in turn, recommend other participants with the required characteristics (Noy 2008:327–344; Naderifar, Goli & Ghaljaie 2017). In this study, a few identified participants assisted the researcher in identifying other potential study participants.

Data were collected through observation, in-depth interviews, and key participant interviews with 23 women and 20 men. The study sought to explore the lived experiences, views, and perceptions of women and men regarding vaginal practices. The analysis and interpretation of the research findings were conducted using qualitative data analysis methods. Triangulation of data analysis methods was employed, and ATLAS.ti was used as the scientific data analysis tool, together with content and thematic analyses for validity purposes.

Echoing Mignolo’s (2007) findings, I argue that coloniality of knowledge and knowledge systems has seen the dominance of European knowledges at the expense of other knowledge systems. It has seen the relegation of other knowledges, particularly IK, to the periphery. The otherisation of these IK systems has seen their importance and value being minimised, while they play a critical role in the day-to-day life of indigenous communities. The study revealed the importance of vaginal practices as IK. Vaginal practices are a product of IK, and their use by women lies in their proven and perceived benefits for the prevention and healing of spiritual, physical, and gynaecological illnesses. It can be argued that the perpetual disregard for indigenous practices, such as vaginal practices, is lamentable, as these practices continue being used to alleviate the health and wellness of women in indigenous communities as described by Mawoza (2019) and Mohlabane (2022). Drawing from the findings of the study, vaginal practices are used during pregnancy because of their perceived benefits in the child-birthing process, and they are also adopted by women for post-delivery healing. This finding aligns with Mawoza’s et al. (2019) findings that women reported use of vaginal practices for healing post-partum and to control bleeding. Indigenous scholars such as Mohlabane (2022) emphasise the need for the recognition of traditional knowledge and practices in alleviating sickness.

I argue that African spirituality plays a crucial role in the discourse of IK as it informs the adoption of certain indigenous practices. The advent of Christianity saw the African ways of dealing with problems and issues of spirituality being deemed as backward, heathen and demonic (Hlatshwayo 2017; Mohlabane 2020). Of note is the intersection of spirituality and vaginal practices, which are important components of IK. It was shown that vaginal practices are used to attend to spiritual and gynaecological problems that some women in the village experience. This is an important finding as it sheds light on why these practices continue to be trusted and used by women in the village. Vaginal practices are also used for spiritual cleansing and to drive away bad omens. This IK is passed down from generation to generation through oral tradition in families and through interactions among women. The use of vaginal practices sustains traditional knowledge on treating illnesses pertaining to women. This finding corroborates social constructionist theorising, which postulates that knowledge is sustained by social processes and interactions (Andrews 2012; Galbin 2014). Interaction creates and sustains IK on vaginal practices, and it is viewed as an important aspect of women’s health and wellness.

In addition, the value and trust that are placed on IK in the village cannot be ignored. This stems from familiarity and the familial use of these practices. Families’ continued use of vaginal practices shows that they play an important role in women’s health and wellness in Tshitatshawa. African gender scholars like Bhebhe (2023) and Venganai (2018) point out the important role that the family and other social institutions play in transmitting IK on vaginal practices. The lack of documentation of this IK in Tshitatshawa village is lamentable as they are frequently used by women in the village to attend to their important health and wellness needs. Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2015) notes the need for the decolonisation of knowledge, which advocates the recognition of both IK and endogenous knowledge, where the former is labelled as ‘barbaric’ and has been replaced with irrelevant knowledge that seeks to disempower rather than empower communities. This assertion by Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2015) is powerful because the decolonisation of knowledge would put IK practices on par with conventional medicine practices.

Despite the advent of modern conventional medicine to eradicate the illnesses that some women face, traditional practices such as vaginal practices and traditional medicine are found in this village because people trust their use and, in some cases, women combine modern and traditional medicine and practices. Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2015) calls for the pluralising of knowledge production systems, which will see the equal recognition of all knowledge. The positioning of the European knowledge as the gold standard is problematic. It results in other knowledge being compared and evaluated against it, overlooking the crucial role other knowledge plays in the day-to-day life of indigenous communities (Mignolo 2007). As such, I argue that there is a need for the decolonisation of knowledge systems and spaces that are biased towards acknowledging conventional Western medicine and practices as the more acceptable methods of eradicating diseases at the expense of traditional medicine. African feminist scholars such as Oyěwùmí (1997) have criticised the persistent white supremacist ideologies that continue to silence indigenous African knowledge.

The introduction of modern imperialist medicine can be viewed as having been a direct link to the racist and sexiest colonial agenda as postulated by Kim (2001). The labelling of IK as demonic led to the institutionalisation of Western knowledge as legitimate. It relegated the indigenous methods of alleviating illness to the periphery. In Tshitatshawa village, vaginal practices are used for cleansing when a woman experiences misfortune in the form of a miscarriage or stillbirth. They are also used when a woman is in need of cleansing when she has isagweba [the urge to constantly have sex], amasala [an abnormal growth inside the vagina, the perineal area, or the vulva], or isidina [a bad aura that makes one sexually unattractive]; among others. It is therefore important to adopt a human factor approach to issues of IK practices such as vaginal practices. This enables a comprehensive understanding of the meanings that women derive from their use and acknowledges their importance in women’s day-to-day life in communities where IK and IK practices are still maintained and treasured. It should be observed that IK plays a crucial role, and its existence does not call for the disregard of Western knowledge. There is a need for what Mohlabane (2022) refers to as a pluriversal world where all knowledge, including IK, is recognised as legitimate. Mohlabane (2022) notes that the current denigration of IK has resulted in indigenous communities being left without affordable healthcare, which has contributed to poor health outcomes.

It can therefore be concluded that vaginal practices are an important part of IK on which traditional societies rely to mitigate health and wellness challenges. They are a product of culture that influences societal norms and a way of life. As such, their importance should not be trivialised.

This study demystifies myths around the use of vaginal practices and the perceptions around their use by women. The study also unearths the intersection of vaginal practices and spirituality. The study highlights the important role that vaginal practices play in the womanhood, sexuality, health and wellness of women. It brings to the fore the integral role that vaginal practices play as an IK in the day-to-day life of women. The study also contributes to the decoloniality discourse. It showcases the existing level of coloniality in the production and control of knowledge. It highlights the need for the decolonisation of knowledge systems as well as the centres of knowledge, which tend to relegate IK to the periphery.