The study is grounded in the Ubudlelane philosophy, as articulated by Xweso and Gwam (2024). This philosophy posits that families, at the micro-level, hold the fundamental responsibility of caring for and loving one another. The values embedded in family care align closely with the study’s focus on parental responsibilities among informal workers, illustrating that these individuals engage in scrap collection not solely for financial gain, but also out of a deep-seated commitment to providing for their children. Ubudlelane, in essence, signifies sharing, loosely translated to ‘breaking the bread’ by Xweso and Gwam (2024), in parenting, this would mean fostering a strong sense of care and responsibility, ensuring the well-being and shared support necessary for children. This philosophy suggests that informal workers, such as scrap collectors, naturally assume the role of caregivers, motivated by their identity as responsible parents. According to ubudlelane, the failure of scrap collectors to share their resources (nurturance) with their children would imply a deviation from its core tenets: love, care and the interconnectedness of humanity. While ubudlelane advocates for communal practice, it emphasises that the foundation of such care must originate within the family unit. In this context, the informal workers’ efforts to support their children serve as a tangible demonstration of the philosophy in action, highlighting the family-oriented nature of their work and the inherent value they place on their caregiving roles.

The study employed an exploratory research design and a qualitative approach to investigate the parental responsibilities and scrap collection practices among females in the rural former Transkei, focusing on the implications for childcare. An exploratory design was deemed suitable as it allowed for an in-depth understanding of the participants’ experiences and the broader contextual factors influencing their roles as both caregivers and scrap collectors. According to Fouche, Strydom and Rustenburg (2021), exploratory research is particularly effective when there is limited existing knowledge about the phenomenon, providing the flexibility to adapt the research process as new insights emerge. The qualitative approach was equally fitting, as it facilitated the collection of rich, detailed data through in-depth interviews, enabling the researcher to capture the personal stories and perspectives of the women involved (Fouche et al. 2021). This approach was crucial in uncovering the nuanced ways in which these women navigate their dual responsibilities, particularly in a context that has been under-researched. Ultimately, both the exploratory design and qualitative approach were essential for generating meaningful findings that contributed to understanding the implications of scrap collection on childcare in this specific rural setting.

The study was conducted in Mthatha, located in the Eastern Cape province. Mthatha is characterised by high unemployment rates, which reflect the broader economic challenges in the region. These challenges stem from the historical socioeconomic issues of the former Transkei, caused by the apartheid regime’s separate development policies (Rogerson 2019), as well as the current widespread unemployment in South Africa. In the first quarter of 2025, South Africa’s unemployment rate was recorded at at 32.9%, highlighting the ongoing struggle many individuals face in securing jobs (Stats SA 2025). The Eastern Cape has been particularly impacted, prompting many residents, especially women, to turn to scrap collection as a means of survival. This emphasises the urgent need for economic development and job creation initiatives in this community.

The women in this study were located near the National Road (N2), referred to in this article as the N2 highway, which stretches from the Western Cape to Durban. In Mthatha, these women position themselves along the N2, waiting for furniture trucks travelling towards Durban. They signal their destination using a handwritten sign marked ‘ND’ (for Durban). These trucks transport the scrap materials collected by the women, which are then sold at buy-back centres in Durban.

The research population for this study consisted of women scrap collectors, selected specifically to explore issues related to motherhood and caregiving responsibilities. Convenience sampling was employed (Fouche et al. 2021) because of the nature of the participants’ work, which involves constant movement from one location to another. This made purposive and other sampling methods less practical, rendering convenience sampling the most appropriate approach for this study.

The inclusion criteria for the study were applied as follows to ensure the appropriate selection of participants:

The exclusion criteria specified that women with less than 6 months of scrap collection experience, as well as those collecting other streams such as only paper or plastic, were not eligible to participate in the study.

Based on the application of the selection criteria, 10 female scrap collectors were interviewed. The verbatim presentations of the results in this study are derived from these interviews and are presented in the later sections of this article.

Data collection for this study was conducted by the author using semi-structured individual interviews, a method that provided flexibility while ensuring consistent coverage of key topics. Semi-structured interviews are defined as a qualitative research technique where the researcher follows an interview guide but allows for open-ended responses, enabling participants to express their views in more depth (Gill et al. 2020). This approach was ideal for exploring the personal experiences of the women involved in scrap collection, as it facilitated rich, detailed responses. The interviews were conducted in isiXhosa, the preferred language of the participants, which ensured a deeper understanding of their lived experiences and helped establish rapport with the women. These interviews took place along the N2 highway, at the sites where women typically wait for trucks after collecting scrap, offering a natural context for their stories. With the participants’ permission, the interviews were recorded. Each interview lasted no more than 45 min, and data saturation was reached after conducting interviews with 10 women, meaning that no new information emerged from additional interviews, and data collection was concluded at that point.

The data collected in this study underwent thematic analysis to identify key patterns and insights related to the participants’ experiences with parental responsibilities and scrap collection. Thematic analysis, as described by Braun and Clarke (2006), is a widely used qualitative method that involves identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within the data. In this study, the researcher carefully transcribed the interviews into English and then engaged in a process of familiarisation with the data. Initial codes were generated, and through a process of iterative reading and rereading, these codes were grouped into broader themes that reflected the central issues faced by the women. This approach allowed for a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding their dual roles and highlighted the impact of scrap collection on childcare. Thematic analysis provided a structured yet flexible framework for interpreting the qualitative data, making it an appropriate method for uncovering the nuanced experiences of the women involved in the study.

The University of the Western Cape reviewed the study’s protocol for ethical approval and assigned ethical number HS20/5/27. The approval ensured that the research was conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines. Informed consent was explained to the scrap women in simple, clear language, ensuring they fully understood the purpose, procedures, risks and their rights before agreeing to participate. Confidentiality was assured, with participants being informed about measures to safeguard their identities. The research process respected participants’ autonomy, emphasising their right to withdraw at any point without coercion. Given the informal nature of their work, participants were assured that the study posed no harm and was not detrimental to their safety, and their consent was obtained before the study commenced. Ubudlelane, as an African principle, aligned well with the research process, as participants were willing to share their experiences after being carefully informed about the study’s procedures.

In this study, female scrap collectors face significant challenges in balancing the demands of both work and family life. According to Blaauw (2010), informal work is characterised by irregular hours, unstable income and often harsh working conditions. These factors place considerable pressure on individuals involved in informal employment, particularly those with dependants, who must also attend to the needs of their families (Chen 2012). Without the benefits typically afforded to formal workers, such as paid leave, childcare support or regular work hours, informal workers often struggle to maintain a healthy balance between their professional and personal responsibilities (Lund & Srinivas 2000). This imbalance can lead to emotional strain, financial insecurity and limited time for family interaction, negatively affecting not only the workers themselves but also the well-being and development of their children. Children in such households may experience reduced parental presence, which can undermine their emotional security, academic performance and social development. These concerns were a lived reality for many participants in this study, as expressed through their narratives:

From the findings above, these challenges disproportionately affect women, who often carry the dual burden of caregiving and earning an income (Ramolelle & Xweso 2022). Mothers working in the informal sector are frequently faced with difficult decisions about how to allocate their time between work and childcare and may lack access to affordable or reliable childcare services. The consequences of these decisions can manifest in increased stress, poorer health outcomes and weakened family bonds. At the same time, informal work can provide flexibility, allowing some parents to adjust their schedules to meet family needs. However, this flexibility is often outweighed by the unpredictability and lack of security inherent in informal employment.

The study reveals that the nature of informal work requires considerable determination and time investment from mothers, which in turn limits the time they can spend with their children. The findings indicate that the long hours associated with informal employment reduce parental presence, potentially affecting children’s well-being. This concern is echoed by Wang (2023), who argues that nonstandard work schedules are more prevalent among less-educated populations and are particularly detrimental when undertaken by mothers, as they can disrupt consistent parent–child interaction and negatively influence children’s development. The absence of regular engagement with parents may have emotional and developmental implications for children, who often express a need for more time, attention and emotional connection with their caregivers:

The narratives shared by women in this study clearly illustrate the concern that their work negatively impacts their children’s development. Participation in informal scrap collection often involves nonstandard and unpredictable work schedules, which may affect children’s development both directly and indirectly, as similarly observed by Wang (2023). Drawing on the ecological systems framework, child development is understood to occur within a set of interconnected systems, including the family, workplace, school and broader community that collectively shape a child’s immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner 1979). In this context, the informal scrap collection environment constitutes part of the exosystem which, although not directly experienced by the child, significantly influences their well-being. Mothers’ irregular work schedules and the demanding nature of informal employment can disrupt consistent caregiving, reducing emotional presence and time spent with children, factors crucial to healthy development. While children are not directly involved in their mothers’ workspaces, they depend on stable, nurturing relationships and secure home environments to flourish. This is further supported by the philosophy of ubudlelane, which emphasises care and relational connectedness as foundational to well-being (World Health Organization [WHO] 2020; Xweso & Gwam 2024).

In the study, female scrap collectors, as mothers, bear the parental responsibility of ensuring their children’s school attendance. Because their children are minors and require care, these women must balance their work with their caregiving duties. The demographic data of the participants indicate that many have school-going children, but maintaining this balance is often challenging. One notable issue is the presence of children at the truck waiting site along the N2 highway with their mothers. While the children are not engaged in scrap collection themselves, various factors contribute to their presence there, which in turn affects their school attendance and adds to the mothers’ stress. This struggle is reflected in the sentiments expressed by the women in the study:

Similar findings were reported in the study by Ramolelle and Xweso (2022) on female waste pickers in Mashaeng, Free State, South Africa. The study highlighted that women face challenges in nurturing their children, making it difficult for them to fully assume parental responsibilities. Additionally, it was evident that children often participate in scrap collection to help their mothers gather more waste, thereby increasing their earnings. When working alone, women collect less waste and earn less income, whereas with their children’s assistance, they are able to collect more and generate higher earnings.

In this study, the researcher observed that some women engaged in scrap collection along the N2 highway would leave their children unattended with piles of scrap to maximise their collection efforts. This practice is driven by the fear that the available scrap might be insufficient to generate adequate income. To validate this observation, participants were asked whether they recognised this situation as a potential risk. Several participants acknowledged this concern and shared that they indeed leave their children without supervision during scrap collection:

It is evident from the findings presented that childcare among women engaged in scrap collection is in a precarious state. These women face significant challenges in balancing caregiving responsibilities with the demands of informal economic survival. This tension compromises their ability to provide consistent and safe supervision for their children, especially in hazardous environments such as roadside scrap collection sites. Mapumulo (2021), in her study on the risks faced by women in informal work, found that women without extended family support or the means to afford childcare often bring their babies with them to work. Consequently, these children are exposed to the dangerous environments in which their mothers work, including extreme weather conditions, as most of these women work outdoors, and the dangers posed by traffic in the markets. The lack of adequate childcare arrangements raises critical concerns about child safety and developmental well-being. During the interviews, the women expressed awareness of these risks, acknowledging the potential harm their work practices may pose to their children. These findings are consistent with those of Van den Berg and Makusha (2018), who argue that the economic pressures faced by women in the informal sector often force them to make difficult decisions that can place their children at risk. Similarly, Hall et al. (2018) highlight the strong correlation between poverty, informal employment and increased vulnerability to child neglect, particularly in contexts where access to affordable and reliable childcare is limited.