Research has noted that disaster risk reduction measures often downplay the IK of local communities when responding to calamities (Dube & Munsaka 2018). In this regard, IK is considered primordial and archaic. Development practitioners habitually disregard IK, citing its lack of documentation as well as claiming it lacks scientific validation (Dube & Munsaka 2018; Rai & Khawas 2019). However, Jones (2012) posits that local knowledge systems should not be dismissed as they serve as community intervention measures for the forecasting, mitigation and prevention of disasters. This entails that communities possess IK for disaster risk management that has existed and evolved over generations and has proven to be effective mitigation measures. Similarly, the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) (2008) expresses that indigenous communities across the world have immemorially responded to disasters through the adoption of indigenous mitigation strategies passed down from one generation to another. UNISDR (2008) further contends that this has been in practice long before the advent of technology-based early warning systems. As such, Hiwasaki, Luna and Syamsidik (2014) contend that the IK prevalent in local communities can meaningfully mitigate against loss of human lives and valuable properties in the event of disaster. Thus, local communities make use of their local resources, which are harnessed as structural measures for disaster risk reduction (Dube & Munsaka 2018). Furthermore, IK for disaster risk management is regarded as more sustainable because it is entrenched in the religio-cultural traditions, ideologies and the language of given communities (Maferetlhane 2012). Accordingly, Makwara (2013) points out that the adoption of indigenous weather forecasting serves as a strategic mechanism that promotes sustainable development as it offers valuable information on both past and present weather conditions. Therefore, in order to effectively manage and respond to disasters, Kelman et al. (2012) suggest the need to respect and capitalise on the existing built-up IK of the local people. Not only does this serve as a disaster risk management strategy, but also it capacitates the local people to empower themselves through active participation in responding to disasters. Tanyanyiwa (2018) also cites the lack of access to radios and other media outlets that communicate weather forecasts for farmers in remote settings. Similarly, Sithole and Chundu (2020) also allude to the lack of both radios and televisions for local farmers in rural settings to receive meteorological information. In this regard, the author believes IKS offers a valuable alternative.

It has also been noted that cultural beliefs differ across nations, regions, communities and social groups (Salite 2019). Hence, more in-depth, context-specific studies of the socio-psychological aspects of these beliefs are needed before implementing interventions to better support farmers in preparing for future drought risks. Zimbabwe features amongst the countries in Southern Africa severely affected by drought, and its impacts have resulted in water shortages, reduced yields, food insecurity and economic depressions (Frischen et al. 2020; Jiri, Mafongoya & Chivenge 2017). It is estimated that close to 70% of the country’s populace directly depends on agricultural outputs (Government of Zimbabwe 2018). Further research indicates that an average of 17% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) is realised from agriculture (World Bank Group 2025). Over 60% of Zimbabweans, and in particular, smallholder farmers, practice rainfed subsistence and semi-subsistence agriculture (Mafirakurewa, Mushunje & Zantsi 2023) and as such, the occurrence of drought has a direct effect on the socio-economic status of a larger percentage of the populace. As a result, smallholder farmers actively involved in rainfed agricultural practices are highly susceptible to drought because of their dependence on climate-sensitive resources (Muzari 2016). Lunduka et al. (2019) highlight that rural communities face significant challenges as a result of the effects of drought. These challenges are further exacerbated by crop diseases and pest infestations, which ultimately result in reduced yields and unpredictable incomes, leading to an increased risk of poverty (Lunduka et al. 2019). Drought has been recognised as a significant threat to agricultural livelihoods in Zimbabwe and is considered one of the major obstacles to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and in particular SDG1 (no poverty), SDG2 (Zero Hunger) and SDG3 (Good Health and Wellbeing) (Frischen et al. 2020). It has been well noted that weak economic countries experience severe impacts of drought (Belle, Collins & Jordaan 2017), and Zimbabwe is no exception. Therefore, in order to mitigate the severe effects of drought, it is essential to adopt tailored adaptation strategies, including the revitalisation of IK for effective drought response.

The research was carried out in the lowland area of Chipinge district. Chipinge district is on the boundary with Chimanimani district to the north, Chiredzi to the south-west, Buhera to the north-west and Bikita to the west (Marashe 2014). The district is located in agro-ecological regions 1.4 and 5 in Eastern Zimbabwe (Zamchiya 2011). Chipinge district is characterised by both the highlands and the lowlands. The highlands are under the agro-ecological region 1 and are characterised by high rainfall and cool temperatures, whereas the lowlands fall under the agro-ecological regions 4 and 5, with little precipitation and high temperatures. Generally, the lowlands are a semi-arid region and receive low rainfall. When rainfall occurs, it is typically unpredictable and unevenly distributed, with the majority of precipitation falling during short, intense storms from the months of October to February. Research was carried out in Mariya and Zamuchiya villages, which are drought-prone areas with a semi-arid climatic zone and a bimodal rainfall pattern.

Within the lowland areas of Chipinge district in Zimbabwe, drought is a recurring and severe phenomenon. It disproportionately affects local smallholder subsistent farmers who depend on rainfed agriculture for their livelihoods. Although IKS have immemorially enabled local communities, including the Ndau, to forecast, cope with and mitigate the effects of drought, these embedded strategies remain largely marginalised, undocumented and excluded from formal disaster risk reduction policies. Existing drought responses accord precedence to Eurocentric models, despite the fact that many rural communities do not have access to modern meteorological services because of geographic isolation, poor and undeveloped infrastructure, and poverty. Additionally, there exists a lacuna of empirical research that documents specific drought-related IKS of minority indigenous groups in Zimbabwe, and the Ndau people in particular. Therefore, sustainable indigenous coping mechanisms remain underutilised, leaving poor and marginalised communities dependent on foreign interventions that are often incompatible with their socio-cultural and ecological contexts.

The theoretical underpinning for the study is the Community-Based Disaster Risk Management (CBDRM) framework. The CBDRM framework focuses on building people’s capacity for coping with disaster risks, which consequently leads to the reduction of their vulnerability (Mclaughlin 2011). This, in turn, leads to the development of safer and resilient communities in the wake of the current climate change crisis. The CBDRM framework is regarded as an active practice whereby at-risk communities are positively involved in detecting, analysing, treating and monitoring and evaluating disaster risks as an attempt to lessen their susceptibilities (Mclaughlin 2011). This entails that the community members are active agents in the process of taking resolutions as well as implementing disaster risk management activities. The framework capacitates local community members with the ability to evaluate the presenting situation and to ascertain risk reduction measures and their implementation. Such risk reduction measures centre on alleviation as well as vigilance strategies that ought to be implemented when disaster strikes, as well as aftermath coping measures. Kafle and Murshed (2006) identified six successive phases of the CBDRM framework as: (1) selecting the community, (2) rapport building and understanding, (3) participatory disaster risk assessment, (4) CBDRM planning, (5) community-managed implementation and (6) monitoring and evaluation.

The CBDRM is positioned as an ideal framework for the study based on its consideration for the full and active involvement of community members in the formulation and implementation of risk reduction and mitigation measures. This entails that community members are involved in every stage of disaster risk management. Community members herein include the vulnerable social groups who are considered equally important in reducing local susceptibility to disasters (Mclaughlin 2011). The CBDRM framework posits that both opportunities and threats are better understood by the local community members, as they are the ones directly affected. This study focuses on the centrality of the role of the community, whereby the community is not regarded as the benefactor but the main actor in disaster risk management.

Through a qualitative research design, data were collected using key informant interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and document analysis. The preference for key informants, such as traditional leaders, elders, and supported by local subsistence farmers, was essential because they possess deep, historically rooted knowledge of local environmental indicators and traditional drought management practices, which was the specific focus of the research. KIIs are qualitative in-depth interviews normally conducted with local people knowledgeable about the current events in the community (De Chesnay 2014). Key informant interviews aim to obtain insights from a broad spectrum of local people, such as community leaders, professionals and local residents, all of whom possess direct, first-hand knowledge of community issues (De Chesnay 2014). In the hierarchy of research methods, key informant interviews are regarded as generating more significant knowledge because of the expertise and authority of the interviewees and are believed to complement other research methods, such as FGDs (Lokot 2021).

Focus group discussions are commonly used as a qualitative method to gain a deeper understanding of social issues (Nyumba et al. 2018). The approach gathers data from a purposively selected group of persons, rather than from a statistically representative sample of the wider population. In FGDs, the researcher assumes the role of being a facilitator or moderator and is responsible for guiding the conversation between the participants rather than directly engaging in a one-on-one exchange (Nyumba et al. 2018). In this regard, the researcher adopted a peripheral role, thereby allowing the active interaction of participants amongst themselves. Focus group interviews were conducted through four groups of five participants. In addition, the study used document analysis to elicit more information and data from published peer-reviewed books, journal articles and reports. Information from these secondary sources provided the basis for formulating the background for the study as well as critically defining and classifying drought, taking into account its causes and effects. Such information was crucial in assessing possible drought coping mechanisms for the context under study.

The data were analysed using thematic analysis (TA). This followed the six-phase framework proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006), Clarke and Braun (2017). This process was preferred for its systematic approach to identifying, analysing and reporting themes in qualitative data, which was necessary for exploring the lived experiences and perspectives of research participants on drought mitigation. The data analysis process began with the familiarisation phase, which entailed actively reading and re-reading the interview transcripts in order to gain a deeper understanding of the content. This was followed by developing an initial set of codes (Clarke & Braun 2017), otherwise referred to as the first cycle of coding by Saldana (2015). In this phase, significant features of the data were systematically identified and coded, and the phase was aimed at reducing the data set and generating initial codes for further development and/or exclusion (Lochmiller 2021). The third phase involved collating the codes and grouping them to generate themes, whilst the fourth phase focused on reviewing and refining the generated themes. In the fifth phase, themes were defined and named to clarify their core meaning and relevance to the research question. The final phase involved synthesising the analysis to construct a narrative drawn from the extracted data (Clarke & Braun 2017; Lochmiller 2021). Through the six-phase framework of TA, the data analysis for the study advanced beyond mere description to offer a meaningful interpretation of how the Ndau people of Chipinge perceive and respond to drought.

Validity of the research was enabled through the triangulation of data sources, which involved collecting data via multiple methods (semi-structured interviews, FGDs and document analysis). This allowed for the cross-verification of information as well as conferring a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon under study. The reliability of the study is reflected through the use of both purposive and snowball sampling procedures. This enabled the eliciting of rich information from key information, that is, traditional leaders and elders who possess historically deep-rooted knowledge, which adds significant weight to the study. This was also supported by a clear data analysis using the six-phase TA process by Clarke and Braun (2017). Overall, a clear methodological account of the research process ensured the study’s reliability.

Findings from the research participants, in particular, the older age group of between 50 and 70 years, indicated that current disasters, including drought, are a result of contemporary social ills. This perspective embodies the core principle of CBDRM, whereby it specifies that community-based governance and shared cultural norms are critical for the reduction of vulnerability. This particular age group expressed that indigenous communities and their ecosystems have been desecrated because of the disregard of local taboos; disharmony within the communities and sexual impurity (adultery and premarital sex); black magic or sorcery (in the form of zvitokwani (goblins) and divisi (indigenous crop yielding enhancer). The other social ills equally identified by the research participants were murder, abortions, divorce, bestiality, and wrong ascendance to the throne – leadership not recognised by the territorial ancestors. The erosion of indigenous belief systems was identified as the major trigger of such contemporary social ills. Drawing from the CBDRM perspective, these identified factors are not mere moral issues; they are regarded as direct causes of disaster vulnerability. This emanates from the understanding that such ills destroy the social fabric, thereby violating the principles believed to preserve harmony with the natural world. Participants posited that when a community’s religio-cultural belief systems are violated, the ancestors turn their backs, and the community is left with no protection and is exposed to the risk of disasters. The cited social ills are believed to rob the land of its sacredness. Whilst the challenge of drought and other disasters can be triggered by other factors, Ndau indigenous belief systems also attribute such to the lack of ancestral protection.

Regarding the challenge of sexual desecration, one of the participants opined that:

It was the conviction of this particular age group that once the ancestors turn their backs on the land, community members will be forced to rely on alternative drought prediction indicators, which usually is Western meteorology. Hence, the violation of religio-cultural systems leads to the withdrawal of ancestral protection, and this directly translates to a loss of cultural risk-reduction mechanisms. Additionally, when the taboos that govern resource management are destroyed and rituals are abandoned, the community’s indigenous early warning signs are disengaged. Research participants, however, argued that Western meteorological predictions are not always accurate, and this has often compounded the existing challenges of drought encountered by the communities. The belief that sexual immorality defiles the land, which results in disasters in the form of drought, is consistent with studies carried out by Boillat and Berkes (2013) and Jarawura (2014). These studies indicate blame is assigned to the younger generation, which is accused of inappropriate behaviour and adultery. In this regard, pre-marital and extramarital sexual relations are considered taboo; such acts are believed to anger the gods of the land, an abomination that triggers catastrophes, including drought and other ill omens. In the context of this study, the elderly research participants (age group 60–80 years) explained that the effects of contemporary social ills are communal mostly because it is culturally regarded as the responsibility of the elders to guide the young in the right moral values. As such, when societal norms are broken, the whole community is defiled, and the effects are communal as well as individual punishments. One of the elderly research participants shared that:

It was therefore the opinion of the research participants that fewer disasters were experienced before westernisation and the subsequent marginalisation of indigenous ways of life. Additionally, occasional cleansing rituals were performed to continuously appease the ancestors. However, such practices have also been usurped by Westernised religious belief systems that denounce ancestral veneration.

Discussions from the research participants indicated the acknowledgement of climate change as a causative agent for increased drought spells in the lowlands. The research participants opined that increased environmental degradation and air pollution were the major triggers of disasters. One of the participants echoed that:

Research participants also bemoaned that the constant changes in weather patterns because of climate change have made it difficult to continuously rely on IK predictors. Furthermore, participants shared that the continued drought spells have resulted in the migration of certain animal species, birds and insects, which have immemorially served as IK-based meteorological indicators. The dry spells have also affected the natural vegetation, and the local people are left with limited indicators for weather forecasting.

The research findings highlight a critical challenge for CBDRM, which is the erosion of local cultural capital. Research participants lamented how the influence of westernisation has led to the neglect of sacred norms, once regarded as the backbone of the Ndau culture, resulting in unprecedented changes to once-efficient indigenous disaster prediction indicators. From a CBDRM perspective, this presents a weakening of the community’s core capacity for local intervention and IK management. The participants identified varied changes affecting indigenous drought indicators, and these are inclusive of:

Regardless of these challenges, a CBDRM approach reveals that a vital foundation for community-based early warning systems is in existence. Research participants shared that notable indicators for weather forecasting and drought prediction remain in use by the Ndau people. These include astrological and atmospheric indicators as well as observations of vegetation and animal behaviour.

The Ndau rely on the shape, appearance and position of astrological objects such as the moon, the stars and the sun. During the rainy season, beginning from late October, a big dark cloud surrounding the moon signifies heavy rains, and the absence of such indicates a lack of rain. Research participants shared that ‘tikaona mwedzi watenderedzwa nedziya remvura zvinokombe kuti mvura iriyo’ (RP7, female, 48 years), loosely translated – when we notice the moon surrounded by a dark cloud, it signifies we will receive rain. A big dark circle surrounding the sun is also indicative of imminent rains for the farming season. The absence of these indicators on astrological objects signifies a dry year without rainfall, and according to the research participants, this prepares them for yet another difficult dry season ahead. Alvera (2013) also points out that according to IKS, certain wind directions and speeds are associated with oncoming rains, whilst others with drought. Alvera (2013) further argues that the use of atmospheric temperatures is also a scientific concept that is used by meteorologists, hence validating the IKS-based astrological and atmospheric indicators.

Research findings indicated that the effects of persistent droughts and patterns of climate change have altered the natural vegetation, thus eroding some of the weather forecasting indicators based on vegetation. However, participants shared that excessive seasonal fruiting was indicative of a dry season, and reduced leafage for a number of indigenous trees also signalled the possibility of a drought. A study by Chisadza et al. (2013) also indicated that judging the leafage and budding of flowers for certain trees reveals whether the rains will be early or late.

The Ndau also rely on the chirping of birds and the behaviour of animals to predict meteorological patterns. The cries of the Procavia capensis and the chirping of the kowera and matendera (ground hornbill) birds signify the coming of rains. Research findings indicated that it was easier to observe indicators of rain as opposed to those of drought. The absence of these indicators towards the farming season was indicative of drought. Insects were also identified as indicators of rain or its absence thereof. It was shared that ‘mhamhasi zvekare kupenga kwadzinoita dzichiruma itsura mvura’ – loosely translated – the presence of the red ants and the way they bite signifies good rains) (RP3, female, 63 years). Hence, the absence of these common red ants indicates a dry season. A study carried out by Sithole and Chundu (2020) also indicates the cries of Procavia capensis and the kowero and shezhu birds as indicators of impending rainfall. A study carried out by the World Food Program (2022) also highlighted that animals, birds and insects are also used for climate forecasting in IKS. Archaya (2011) highlighted that the chirping and behaviour of certain species of animals, birds and insects is a result of what they sense in the atmosphere. Archaya (2011) further points out that thunderstorms create sound waves whose frequencies can be detected by these creatures, hence their reactions in responding to variations in the Earth’s electromagnetic field that occur before extreme weather conditions. Further research also indicates that both animals and insects can detect ultrasound and micro-tremors, which are imperceptible to humans and are triggered just before extreme events occur (Alvera 2013).

Research findings revealed another dimension that is deemed to be an indicator of impending drought by the Ndau people. During a FGD, a participant shared that – kukabarwe vana vakomana zvakanyanya itsura nzara iyi nokuti zvinoratidza kuti varume vachabuda vachienda kundoshuzha (literally translated – if a larger number of male children are born, it is an indicator of drought because it signals that the fathers or men will have to go out hunting or in search for food) (RP6, male, 59 years). This indicator was confirmed by other participants who highlighted that if baby girls outnumber baby boys, it will be a year of bounty. The intersectionality of baby boys outnumbering baby girls and drought remains unexplained; however, it constitutes the Ndau indigenous drought predictors.

In order to redress the challenge of persistent drought in the lowland areas of Chipinge, local villages adopt specific mitigation measures that embody the core principles of the CBDRM framework. This framework postulates that effective disaster resilience is rooted in the agency, knowledge, and active participation of local communities. The strategies employed are not just reactive but represent a proactive, community-led control of risk management. Research findings identified culturally grounded rituals such as doro remakoto (a community-wide rainmaking ceremony) that foster social cohesion. Agro-ecological practices such as the strategic use of wetlands for cropping, the cultivation of drought-tolerant crops, intercropping and kuparira (dry planting) were identified as Ndau drought-coping strategies. Furthermore, livelihood diversification through migration to alternative fertile areas (kumaeka), the relocation of livestock, and dry food preservation were identified as strategies employed to reduce vulnerability. Even the reliance on humanitarian aid, whilst external, is managed through local social structures for distribution. Collectively, these measures underscore the CBDRM tenet that indigenous communities are not passive victims but active agents who develop and implement context-specific, sustainable strategies for drought risk reduction.

In order to safeguard against drought, doro remakoto, the Ndau rainmaking ritual, is ideally scheduled every year in August in preparation for each year’s rainy season. Doro remakoto also serves as an appeasement to their ancestors for the community’s social ills. It is a communal ritual, presided over by the local headman. To promote community cohesion, each household contributes mungoza (finger millet or rapoko) and mumera (malt powder), which are the major ingredients of doro remakoto. The preparation and brewing of the traditional beer are done by selected post-menopausal women as a measure of purity. It is also believed that elderly women who are post-menopause are celibate, therefore ensuring the purity of the ritual. Doro remakoto is believed to evoke the territorial spirits to plead with Musikavanhu on behalf of the community, to release rain. It is further believed that the success of the doro remakoto ritual is witnessed through rainfall before the gathering for the event has dismissed.

The majority of homesteads in the Zamuchiya area, and in particular, the Nkosimananga village are semi-arid zones and are exposed to extreme hot weather conditions for the greater part of the year. Whilst most of the villagers are subsistence farmers, agricultural activities are carried out in the wetland areas. These wetlands have rich soils which are suitable for most grains and cereals. The soils are fertile, and villagers do not use any chemical fertilisers for their crops. These wetlands have been serving the villagers against the persistent drought that occurs in the lowland areas of Chipinge district.

In order to mitigate against the effects of drought, local subsistence farmers tend to cultivate crops that adapt to arid or drought conditions. Early maturing crop varieties and indigenous small grains such as mungoza (rapoko), mapfunde (finger millet) and rukweza (sorghum) are mostly preferred. A special brand of mapfunde (finger millet) referred to as mudhoriyana or chimupedzanzara is mostly preferred because it is an early maturing breed which can be harvested as early as three months. Research participants indicated that the threat of bird infestations, which is usually a challenge where grains are planted, is also lessened as crops can be protected within the short span of growth and maturity. The other breed of finger millet is cultivated as a cash crop, and the yield is sold to breweries. Also common in the lowlands is cotton production, cultivated as a cash crop. Of recent, the community of Zamuchiya has resorted to the farming of uninga (Sesamum indicum or sesame seeds) in the neighbouring Mozambique as a cash crop. Uninga, an early maturing crop, was cultivated and harvested in rented land in nearby Mozambique and then sold back in Zimbabwe. This initiative cushioned a larger number of subsistence farmers in Zamuchiya and Mariya, who after the sale of uninga, were able to purchase basic foodstuffs and other necessities for their families. Similarly, a study conducted by Muyambo and Shava (2021) also highlighted the shift from the traditional cultivation of uninga as a women’s domain to the socio-economic benefit for the Ndau community. According to Muyambo and Shava (2021), uninga was traditionally cultivated by women and harvested for the purpose of flavouring family meals. However, the demand for uninga in the market led to a shift from its cultural importance to an economic benefit (Muyambo & Shava 2021). Such a shift cushioned many local subsistence farmers in drought-persistent areas; they had liquid cash from the sale of uninga to fend for their families. The cultivation of drought-resistant crops is not just an agricultural technique but a practical solution for climate justice.

This involves sowing two or three different varieties of crops together on the same piece of land – usual grain is the main crop and two other subsidiaries. Research participants cited the benefits of intercropping include increased crop yield, reduced pest infestation and the major advantage of the simultaneous harvest of a variety of crops. The preferred common subsidiary crops were cited as nyemba (cowpeas), mutikiti (pumpkin leaves), nyevhe (spider flower) and makebe (watermelons). Research participants also shared that during cultivation, plants like mbowa (pigweed) and gushamunda (jute) are also left as subsidiary crops. A key reason for cultivating these subsidiary crops is their storability, as a significant proportion of the yield can be reserved for future consumption, that is, mutikiti, nyevhe, muyemba (cowpeas leaves) and gushamunda, which are harvested and preserved as dried vegetables. Kuparira (dry planting) was cited as a common practice in the lowlands, and this is undertaken in the months of August and September. With this practice, dry-resistant crop seeds are planted, and according to the research participants, on the first onset of rains, germination takes place. This practice was mentioned as a strategy for safeguarding crops over prolonged periods of heat.

The relocation of livestock to protect them from succumbing to the effects of drought was also cited as a common practice in the communities under study. Livestock are relocated to neighbouring Mozambique for pasturing. It was mentioned that there is always a need for constant treatment of the migrated livestock using particular indigenous plant medicines for safeguarding the livestock against different climatic patterns as well as disease outbreaks. In dire situations of drought and for those unable to relocate their livestock, animals are usually sold to avoid loss through death.

Food preservation is inevitable, especially for drought-prone areas. This practice ensures the availability of food supply, especially during times of famine. The common indigenous methods of food preservation include sun drying of indigenous leafy vegetables. These are blanched in salt water and naturally dried in the sun. Other foods preserved are fruits, which are dried and the smoking of meat. The meat is first marinated with coarse salt and is smoked using firewood.

Because the lowland of Chipinge is classified as a drought-prone area, a number of non-governmental and faith-based organisations offer humanitarian aid to local villages. Organisations including the World Vision, the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund (UNICEF) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) offer basic foodstuffs, including maize meal, cooking oil, rice, sugar and other basic necessities to disadvantaged villagers. However, it has been noted that the presence of humanitarian aid from faith-based organisations and non-governmental organisations has crippled a number of local people, resulting in full reliance on external aid and social welfare.

The lack of formal recognition and integration of indigenous communities’ knowledge in dominant scientific investigations and policy responses often overlooks the tailored, place-based and effective strategies of minority groups. As such, this research strongly suggests a paradigm shift in national drought policy. The integration of these proven IKS should not be considered an alternative, but as vital for building resilient communities. The study recommends that policymakers move beyond a superficial acknowledgement and formally integrate IKS into national frameworks. This can be accomplished by establishing community-based platforms where Ndau elders and knowledge custodians can collaborate directly with meteorological services to co-produce early warnings. Furthermore, agricultural extension programs must be adapted to promote and validate proven indigenous strategies such as kuparira and the cultivation of drought-tolerant local crops. By bridging the gap between scientific and IK, Zimbabwe can develop more holistic, sustainable and culturally relevant drought management strategies that empower the very communities most vulnerable to its effects.